Algerian Chronicles by Albert Camus. Translated by Arthur Goldhammer, with an introduction by Alice Kaplan. Harvard University Press, 232 pages, $21.95.
by George Scialabba
"Too much is expected of a writer," Albert Camus lamented to a friend in the late 1950s. The Algerian rebellion had grown into a full-scale guerrilla war for independence; and while Camus' initial sympathy for the uprising led the French right and the French Algerian settlers to denounce him as a traitor, he also came in for frequent criticism by the French left for not energetically and unequivocally supporting the insurgents. Criticism also came from the Algerian militants. Franz Fanon, the best-known Algerian writer, derided him as a "sweet sister." Sartre, formerly his close friend, mocked Camus' "beautiful soul."
Camus' complaint does him credit. He agonized over his political pronouncements in a way that the more brilliant, mercurial, doctrinaire Sartre never had to. In 1957, as the war ground on and positions hardened on both sides, Camus was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Despairing of the Algerian situation but determined to answer his critics and, with the prestige of the Nobel behind him, make one final effort for peace and reconciliation, Camus assembled a short collection of his writings about
Algerian Chronicles spans two decades. In 1939, when Camus was a young journalist in
Kabylia was a populous province that, like many other underdeveloped areas, derived a large proportion of its income from the remittances of émigré workers. During the Depression of the 1930s, when unemployment soared in
Camus supplied statistics, anecdotes, and indignation, all in generous quantities. He also made specific and sensible recommendations: guaranteed credit for small farmers; experiments with new crops, like cherries and carob, and new techniques, like drying-houses for figs; the introduction of self-governing Arab communes under the supervision of French colonial authorities. More generally, he attacked the greed of the large colonial landowners, the grands colons, and called on the French government to make good its longstanding promise to extend the rights of Frenchmen to native Algerians. The latter suggestion was particularly unpopular among his fellow pieds noirs, the 80 percent of French settlers who were poor, but not as poor as the natives, and who enjoyed French citizenship. The reports were widely read, first in
Camus never again lived in
There was a depressing resemblance between these reports (which make up the middle section of Algerian Chronicles) and The Misery of Kabylia. Drought, wartime austerity, and the cessation of practically all imports meant another raging famine, this time countrywide. More statistics, anecdotes, and indignation from Camus.
There was, however, a difference in Camus' analysis of the political situation. In 1939 he had pleaded for the long-promised assimilation of native Algerians. At that point, nearly 80 percent of the indigenous population wanted to become French citizens. By 1945 the promise had been too long delayed; scarcely anyone believed in it anymore. Moreover, as Camus pointed out, "hundreds of thousands of Arabs have spent the past two years fighting for the liberation of
Arab public opinion had shifted from assimilation to federation and a modified form of independence. Camus strongly supported this position, though he carefully couched his support in a patriotic appeal to French wisdom and grandeur. He knew all too well the intransigence of the French Algerian community; and he also recognized - almost uniquely among French intellectuals - that his fellow pieds noirs, though dismayingly many of them were pigheaded racists, nevertheless had rights too and were just as much oppressed as oppressors
The French government continued to dither. In 1948 it allowed elections for two separate assemblies, French and Muslim; but when it looked like the pro-independence parties would dominate the latter, the colonial administration rigged the elections and began arresting the leaders. Predictably, this led to further Arab protest, which led to further French repression. A National Liberation Front (FLN) formed, demanding complete independence. It was, of course, outlawed. In late 1954, it launched a guerrilla offensive, to which the French government responded by escalating its repression. In August 1955 the FLN massacred 120 French and Muslim civilians, and the French Army (along with paramilitary groups of pieds noirs) went on a rampage, killing thousands of guerrillas and Arab civilians. The Algerian War had begun in earnest.
Camus was distraught, not least because his family, including his elderly mother, and many close friends, French and Arab, were caught between two armed forces employing indiscriminate violence. In a series of essays published in late 1955 and early 1956 (and reprinted in Algerian Chronicles), he denounced the large-scale use of torture by the French Army and of terror by the FLN. In January 1956 he traveled to
Moral imagination is not to be expected, perhaps, from politicians or military commanders. But even the intellectuals of
But by the time he put together Chroniques algériennes the following year, his bridges to his fellow intellectuals had been burned. In the preface he complained of "a peculiar French nastiness" and announced: "I have decided to stop participating in the endless polemics whose only effect has been to make the contending factions in
The problem of revolutionary violence was perhaps the most fateful question of political morality in the 20th century. Two texts are indispensable to anyone wanting to engage that question: Camus' "Neither Victims Nor Executioners" (1946) and Sartre's "The Wretched of the Earth" (1962), written sixteen years later and two years after Camus' death, but clearly addressed to him. As Sartre acknowledged in a generous obituary for his friend and adversary: "One lived with or against his thought ... He had to be avoided or fought: indispensable, in a word, to this tension which makes the life of the mind." That tension is everywhere in evidence in Algerian Chronicles.
George Scialabba is a contributing editor of The Baffler and the author of What Are Intellectuals Good For? and For the Republic (forthcoming in April).